Wednesday, 14 June 2017

Everyone's cross about Brexit

After the general election, Nicola Sturgeon is quietly bleeding. For all the respect I have for the woman, I do not want Scottish independence, and it seems much of Scotland agrees. She’s walking wounded. However, that didn’t stop her making one of the most sensible suggestions I’ve heard in a long-time: that Brexit should be negotiated by a cross-party delegation.1

The idea sounds immediately brilliant. So brilliant in fact I have to wonder why is isn’t what we’re already doing? It sounds democratic, and representative and conciliatory. But that’s not what we’ve got.

Instead, in the furore and fallout of the 23rd of June 2016, we got Theresa May. She capitalised on Brexit, perhaps trying to look strong and stable, later announcing what she thought Brexit meant2 (Brexit, obviously…) and what her plans for the negotiations were.3 Some even began calling her Supreme Leader4 for her style of control.

And yet now we have a general election result which has destroyed the Supreme Leader in the most painful of ways,5 and it has (accidentally) thrown the questions of how and who re: Brexit wide open. YouGov recently did a poll which showed support for Mrs. Sturgeon’s idea (an idea, let’s be honest, that only came about because Sturgeon hasn’t gotten what she really wanted), with 51% of participants wanting a cross-party delegation.6

Now, 51% isn’t much of a majority, but considering Brexit is an issue because of 52%,7 I’d be hesitant to dismiss the poll quite so soon if I were a Tory Brexiteer.

That’s besides the fact that YouGov were one of the few pollsters during the general election that seemed to get anything close to the actual result.8 Indeed, we can criticise methodology sometimes – and I very much encourage people to do so – but right now YouGov are having their moment in the sun.

The idea seems sensible for another reason. If the government of the day must lead the talks, who will lead when we don’t exactly have a legitimate government? Of course, we can debate the word legitimate, and yes Corbyn didn’t win, but neither did May, or anyone else for that matter. Following Mrs. May’s own mantra, surely now she must cede some control of the talks to Labour, the SNP and others? Surely, a Brexit for Britain should be a Brexit that represents Britain, no?

But this will not happen. For the same reason that Mrs. Sturgeon’s current weakness has prompted her to soften her position, Mrs. May must harden hers. To cede any say to any other party, to give Mr. Starmer or anyone else (besides maybe someone of the Northern Irish9 persuasion) a seat at the table, or to make Corbyn look even vaguely legitimate as a leader, undermines her near hollow position.

For Mrs. May, the noose is already around her neck. But in the name of Tory preservation the party has stayed the execution. A cross-party delegation would almost certainly cause her to fall through the floor, and she knows it.


Friday, 9 June 2017

So... Who Won?

Elections are like high school drama. You kind of hate them, but you also secretly adore them. Though I’ve got to say, this election might be the first I’ve found genuinely exhausting. I suppose maybe it’s because I’m getting old, or maybe it’s because it’s a nice day up North (that’s not a political nod to anything) and as I watch the coverage – eyes glued to the screen, obviously – the Sun is dehydrating me. Like the election, there’s a lot of things to consider.

Or maybe I should say blame. Who does Theresa May blame for what is most certainly a huge loss, but at the same time is technically a win? Who does Jeremy Corbyn blame for Labour’s indisputable loss that has the smell of victory about it? Who do the electorate blame for telling them there’d be a landslide victory, and (not so subtly) who do the TV pundits blame for giving them terrible polling results?

This is a weird election. I believe all elections can be weird, if you drill down into the demographic data enough, but this is weird because you don’t need to do that too much.

Let’s look at turnout, which was at its highest point since 19971 and particularly high amongst young people2 (there is a figure of 72% doing the rounds, but as the BBC points out, there’s no reliable data yet). Lord Ashcroft published an article on June the 6th noting that the number of Tory seats falls as the voter turnout rises.3 It’s worth pointing out that Ashcroft’s model predicted a Tory majority, even under high turnout scenarios – “The higher turnout scenarios, meanwhile, estimate a lower range of majorities,” so maybe Ashcroft isn’t the best go to guy to talk about turnout data.

The point is this – if the Tories knew that a high turnout would go against them, then, just from data alone, we must place some blame for the result at the door with all those people that chose to, well, step out of their doors and vote.

One thing that was in Mrs. May’s pocket, one thing she could rely on to win, was Brexit, no? Even I wrote on the 31st of May, “If tonight's debate is about Brexit, Theresa May will win even in absentia.” Certainly, early in the night some commentators were finding comfort in the fact that Leave seats were seeing a smaller swing compared to what the Exit Poll would suggest, but one must ask the question: if the British public believed in a Conservative Brexit, indeed, if they believed in Brexit at all, why didn’t Mrs. May win a majority?

Some will bark that the referendum result shows the British public clearly care about Brexit, and others will argue that the collapse in the UKIP vote4 (from 13% in 2015 to 2% today) shows that Brexit was a trump card for the Tories. But that’s a reductionist view of UKIPers (I find that statement oddly ironic). In my mind, there’s three reasons for the collapse in UKIP. The first is the Hard Brexiteers have defected to the Tories, accounting for some fall in UKIP and some rise in the Tories. The second is that the (potential) rise in the 18-24-year-old vote essentially diluted the UKIP vote, and what we’re seeing isn’t necessarily movement (on this, I very well could be wrong. I’ve not been able to compare the raw number of votes to confirm this idea). The third is that many of those who voted for UKIP don’t care about Brexit.

This sounds dumb. UKIP, almost undeniably, were a one issue party, which was Brexit. Yet, as many in the media seem to forget, UKIP for the longest time were a protest vote too. And Brexit, in my opinion, was more of a vote against the establishment order than anything to do with the EU. So, when Theresa May runs on Brexit (and UKIP run on enforcing the integrity of Brexit), many UKIP voters just don’t care. She’s establishment, and some would argue, responsible for many economic issues facing the lives of that group. And Corbyn, the leader of the (still) second largest party, markets himself as outside the establishment, and importantly, as anti-austerity.

If Brexit isn’t as big an issue as the media and the Tories think, and austerity is the real creature that they must slay, then the picture quickly emerges of why the result was what it was.
But what of the media? They told us this election would be dull. There were murmurs of low election turnout;5 Brenda articulated in the most adorable when the sense of fatigue the whole country felt. And yet on the night (and throughout the election, let’s be honest) it wasn’t boring. In fact, little of what the pundits said turned out to be true, except for of course the Exit Poll, which many, “[couldn’t] believe.”

In fact, many of the pundits seemed so sure that no one saw that result coming. Except… YouGov6 and Survation7 saw it coming about a week ago. Now, to the credit of at least the BBC, they acknowledged that those two polls were bang on the money, and that they, with their commentary, had missed a trick. What was that trick? Well, both YouGov and Survation factored in a higher number of young voters than other polls.8 There’s that old stick-in-the-mud again.

I’m not going to say much about the Tabloids that, on both sides of the argument, were far too dispelling in their coverage. Nor am I going to linger on the problems the mainstream media had covering this election, in terms of being correct or being complacent. I can be accused (rightly) of both myself. And of course, the Exit Poll, YouGov and Survation were (to varying degrees) off in their predictions. But the media must realise that they’re losing creditability, and that’s bad for all of us. Did they play a factor in the election, perhaps as a whispering sound in Theresa May’s ear as she was walking on holiday?9 I think someone should be asking what role the media will play in the future.

And that’s about it. Well, it’s not. Theresa May was a disastrous candidate with a horrible manifesto, whereas Jeremy Corbyn was (by most reporting) a disastrous candidate with a popular manifesto; the Dementia Tax swung the polls more than Labour ever actually did;10 nationalism remained a prominent force, whilst whispers across the channel played their role too; “Strong and Stable,” repeat ad infinitum. I don’t see the point of talking about these things, because I don’t need to. Switch on your TV and absorb the analysis, with a free side of cross-analysis thrown in.

I’m trying to get to a point, and I think it’s this. Firstly, the youth vote (probably) swung this election massively, which is good for democracy, bad for functioning government, and a much more significant trend than it is currently being given credit for. Secondly, Brexit wasn’t the issue it was meant to be. That’s not to say it didn’t matter, but Brexit is derivative of austerity policy, and is not in itself the cause of political turmoil. Austerity (amongst other policies, such as Social Care) drove this election result; if anything, Brexit is this election’s cousin, not it’s father. And thirdly, the media got predictions very wrong throughout the campaign. Some will say the media was horribly biased; all I’ll say is it felt frustrating at times, and caveats exist for a reason – use them!

Anyway, I’ll see you in Autumn… (maybe)

Sunday, 4 June 2017

We Are Not Cavemen

Introduction

It is, in my opinion, a common ailment of the 21st century world (or, I concede, perhaps just the Western world) to take a paradoxically good and bad view of the future. It is my thesis that these contrary yet simultaneously occupied outlooks merely reflect a disparity in perspective. For the average Westerner living today is probably experiencing an existence that is – on average – significantly improved compared to their contemporary from any period prior, and so, surrounded by an abundance of items they believe necessary for the continuity of their existence, and safe in the assumption that such abundance will continue (for, perhaps you could argue, they have never known any different) will, from this perspective, project their future life to be quite a positive one.

However, that same Westerner, when pressed on their supposed future from the perspective not of what do they have now compared to what others did not, but rather what do they want in the future compared to what others have now, will take a more cynical view. It is possible this is an anecdotal perspective, and if that is the fatal weakness of this piece, so be it. But I believe it speaks to the human condition that we see progress as more challenging than preservation. I am not an evolutionary scientist, but I would hypothesis there is something primal about this condition, for if one can eat tonight, why risk it on the hope of eating tomorrow too?

As a means of function

If we wish to explore this phenomenon, and perhaps to discuss solutions to the problem this creates, it is useful to understand the paradigms in which the phenomenon exists. Almost all debates in the Western world are phrased as opportunities, with – I’ve often found – most dichotomised debates ultimately offering, regardless of outcome, the pathway to the same opportunity. Education is framed as an opportunity, and so is business, with risk existing not just as a hazard, but as an opportunity prime for exploit. Even disaster is an opportunity for some. The phrase, “when life gives you lemons, make lemonade,” could quite easily be, “when Earth gives you earthquakes, make infrastructure improvements.”

Opportunity, on a basic level, must exist to keep the average person content with their place in the world. For we are often not content creatures for very long, and so opportunity, even in the form of change, must linger within our social zeitgeist constantly, or else peculiar things will happen. Furthermore, opportunity as an ambiguous concept (though if I had to describe it I would suggest the word is meant to conjure visions of rolling green pastures and warm bathing sunlight) is useful as a product for universal agreement. It is a product in the sense that it can be bought and sold, often bought at the ballot box and sold in a catalogue one might call a manifesto published several weeks prior.

In fact, I suggest the packaging of the idea of opportunity in such a way has not just been politically useful, it’s been politically revolutionary, moving politics away from trivial issues (triviality, often I’ve found, being proportionally higher the more local the issue, but that is an issue for another day) and towards much more personality-based, grandstanding, universal ideas (whether these ideas, which are often long-lasting, national and legacy building policies, are actually any of these things is, as always, debatable).

John Kay in his book, Other People’s Money suggests the idea of financialisaton; similarly Sandal in his book What Money Can’t Buy and the authors Earle, Moran and Ward-Perkins in their book The Econocracy. Financialisaton, as an idea, speaks to the ever-increasing quantification of previously unquantifiable (or previously dubiously quantifiable) entities/products/concepts, often with little thought given to the human and/or environmental narrative behind that which is being quantified. I believe the same is true for opportunity.

But opportunity is different in that it doesn’t necessarily suffer because of being quantified, but rather can advance society when given prominence, which quantification does do. Let me be clear: it is good that politicians regularly, almost to the point of annoyance, phrase their arguments in such a way as to emphasise the return to You, the voter. It is only right that, on a certain level, the democratic ritual of voting can be viewed as a transaction between the electorate and the elected.

Of course, it can also be argued (and it has been) that it reduces politics down to personality competitions and soundbites – perhaps called slogans – as politicians peddle their opportunity-cum-wares, but that is a wider discussion for another day. No, the issue with opportunity as a quantified and sold idea is the same as is experienced by any product – it is an economic one of supply and demand.

As a means of preservation

It would take a fool to argue against universal opportunity, if for one reason it will (on average) benefit the fool, but, for a second reason, it benefits society too, provided of course it works. Machiavelli pointed out, in much more exemplary terms than I, that if you must wrong anyone, you should ensure you do not wrong the largest group, or, failing that, the most powerful. Opportunity, as a means of advancement (which I would argue is how politicians will almost always phrase opportunistic ideas) is a policy idea that wrongs the fewest number (but arguably the most powerful) of people, namely those at the top, and even here, the wrong is more a lack of perceived benefit rather than an actual ill being committed. But this is a short-term perspective. However, when we accept the promise of opportunity being made by a politician, and pay for it with our vote, we create an expectation of eventual delivery.

Here we observe a second advantage of opportunity – ambiguity in timing. The politician that promised to make the entire electorate rich overnight would be a politician that succeeded only in making the electorate poor in a day. People accept, quite obviously, that change (particularly substantiated change, and particularly change for the better) takes time, if for no other reason than we, as a collective and under the guise of the elected few, must encourage our societal caveman to step out of our comfortable, safe cave. But just as a caveman would curse the alluring horizon if he found, upon arriving there, that the land was harsh and barren, so too will the electorate curse the elected if, after forming a sacred bond at the ballot box and perhaps suffering hardships since then until now, they find themselves stuck and stagnant and above all without opportunity.


As an aside, one should remember that once the promised benefit that comes with promised opportunity is met, that does not eliminate one’s obligation to those they have provided said benefit too. Citizens, rightly or wrongly, will always seek more, and as such will always demand ever present opportunity. Therefore, one cannot rest on one’s laurels; you must add rungs to the ladder and offer those below you a hand to reach ever growing heights, as opposed to being satisfied when touching the ceiling.


As a second rule of political practice, any idea that is powerful in moving the people in your direction can be just as powerful in moving them against you. And it is a most fatal error of the politician to be deemed unable to provide promised, substantiated opportunity to their masters. Let’s return to the idea of supply and demand to articulate this point. A society might function, though be dissatisfied and in famine, leading to co-ordination such to ensure the small amount of resource the society does have is shared equally. In this hypothetical, whilst the baker will never have queues of expectant customers outside their door, they will never be longing for willing customers.


As an aside, if there is another lesson to be learnt here, it’s that dissatisfaction is not necessarily unsustainable, provided an alternative to dissatisfaction is never proposed. See above: one does not have to break through the ceiling if one does not help another climb the ladder in the first place.


But suppose one day a new baker opens shop, and this baker, keen to maximise their sales, professes to have enough bread to feed the whole starved society. Well, what would we expect other than all residents to queue for as long as is necessary to receive the food they have been promised (implied by their being part of the society)? This baker may well have found a solution to the society’s famine, and if so they will most certainly be the most popular baker in that society for a long time (subjectively). But if it transpires that, after a lengthy wait (of which the starving populous were initially quite happy to part take in), that the baker is all out of bread, or is perhaps so overwhelmed by demand they cannot bake the bread quick enough, and in that time those already starving have now starved and fallen to the ground immobile or worst, well that baker will be destroyed in reputation (if not worst) and that idea they promised will die.

Obviously, the bread is opportunity.

As I have said above, without society believing that opportunity is always present, peculiar things will happen. In the baker analogy, the bakery shuts, and people fall ill, and cynicism re: a solution to the famine spreads as fast as the hunger and the anger. Now one could argue that the fault of the baker is not in their aspiration to feed all the people, nor in their secondary aim of benefitting themselves, but in their execution of their ambition – in their marketing their proposal as an immediate panacea. And this is a valid argument, though, I would suggest, only in a meritocracy, where the honour of advancement (opportunity) may only be bestowed at the whim of those already powerful and following a set of criteria only few can complete without prior (often inherited) advancement. So, whilst panaceas are dangerous, we cannot escape the need for them, as for a democracy to have opportunity, it must be universally attainable, or else that society is not a democracy.

(Maybe?) Understanding the problem

Hollywood will often tout the phrase, “nothing left to lose.” The same phrase can be applied to a society without opportunity.

On one level, one could argue adherence to the laws or social norms of a land is through the basic good of humanity, for we often do not seek to wrong those for whom wronging would not benefit ourselves. On another level, adherence is through fear of the consequences. But a fine bears little threat when one is already indebted; prison bears little threat when one is already trapped; death bears little threat when one already sees little worth living for. On an extreme level, opportunity keeps societies together, and its lack of tears them apart.

It is here then we understand the ground on which the Western paradox stands. In the wake of financial crisis and growing inequality, as well as perhaps cultural changes and automation, previously held notions of advancement, and in turn notions of opportunity, are being strained and challenged, if not abolished.

In Alec Ash’s book Wish Lanterns, there is a brief discussion of the materiality of modern day China versus the implied more developed West, the notion being that when the material is provided for, as it is in the West, people will focus more on personal development, identity and spirituality. This makes sense if we consider the caveman analogy again: once the caveman has food, he has time to ponder much more intricate ideas. I bring the idea of materiality up as a means of explaining my belief that Westerners in the 21st century (again, I concede this is very general, and a flaw within this piece) are, in the short-term, rather optimistic about their lives, but in the long-term are not.

Materiality explains the short-term because the Western world is very good at supplying what its citizens need, and as such those short-term desires such as food and water (and, I would suggest, technology, or at least electricity) are readily met. In the short-term, we have it pretty good. But greater materiality, in part due to decreased income (which I argue is directly related to opportunity) suggests materiality is being used as a supplement for a lack of quote unquote hope for the future – the long-term spiritual desires (if not needs). Aspiration is the word that comes to mind here, and the lack of opportunity proceeds the lack of aspiration, which in turn demands short-term reward over long-term gain.

Forgive me for not providing an exact reference, but if we accept the idea that humanity exists as two pillars, one spiritual and one material, then we must accept that when one is falling to support the structure the other must grow to carry the weight. Spirituality is vague, and purposely so. But materiality is immediately obvious and so very tangible. It is so much easier to grasp (literally). Opportunity should facilitate the short-term materiality and the long-term spirituality that make us fulfilled, but in its absence, the material suffers less than the spiritual.


As an aside, I dislike using the word ‘spiritual,’ because it conjures up doctrines I do not wish to bring into this discussion. Alas, I find myself without an appropriate alternative, or perhaps just without a thesaurus.


This thesis may explain other phenomena. The rise in nationalism across the Western world in the mid-2010s is explained by many pundits and political sciences drawing on data and observation. I rely only on observation. For if the State serves any purpose other than protection and governance it is to provide individuals with an identity larger than themselves. To bolster the individual by making them part of a collective. However, the need for this bolstering seems to only exist when one cannot find something deeper in themselves on their own, or one is not enabled by others to find this. In other words, when opportunity is not provided by society to the individual.


I have spoken in broad terms, and this is not helpful. But this is a problem we must tackle, or at least acknowledge honestly. Short-term consumerism will do little but leave a great many dissatisfied from what is ultimately a nihilistic endeavour. It will breed apathy in some and radicalism in others, as well as mistrust and distain between all of us. Universal opportunity betters all our lives; a lack of opportunity degrades all our lives. Let us not be cavemen frightened to pursue the horizon for fear of being left in the cold.

Wednesday, 31 May 2017

The Power of Glossy Ring-Binders

There are two economic problems in the UK. The first is that far too many politicians and members of the commentariat do not understand economics, and advocate (for the past 7 years) a fiscal policy that doesn’t work. The second is those that champion the opposing fiscal approach – what, I suppose, might be called Corbynomics – do not know how to communicate the rationale of their approach.

The issue in both regards is political narrative. Most would agree that textbook intelligence does not make one a savvy politician; it carries that the same is true in reverse, that one can be a savvy politician and academically rather ignorant. Political narrative is a broad statement, but for the purposes of this piece I say it means this: how one shapes facts, or mistakes, to suit their own political agenda at that time.

The reality is austerity is the kindred spirit of conservatism. Small government, low taxes, individual responsibility. Austerity accomplishes all those things. It also appeals to a very guttural concept of living within one’s means, running a country like a household – the Swabian housewife. It sounds so terribly sensible.

Conservatives utilise this economic strategy so well because it has a relatively low barrier to entry. It is easy for the laymen to understand, and it is hard to argue against without sounding crazy. Surely the way to reduce debt cannot be to borrow more money? That’s not how household finances work.

As an aside, the Swabian housewife strategy – known sometimes as the Swabian housewife fallacy – is what cost Mr. Milliband the 2015 election, in my opinion. (Maybe not, it’s hard to say). By running on a watered down Conservative austerity strategy, Milliband was embracing the fallacy, but doing it with a backdrop of economic discreditably (another fallacy; public debt under Labour was lower in 2008 than when they took power in 1997, it was only in 2008 when the financial crisis hit that public debt became ‘problematic’) which was never going to work. The Tories just make austerity look so much sexier.

And now enter stage right Mr. Corbyn, running on an anti-austerity economic plan. Of course, in the political narrative the Conservatives have shaped, Corbyn’s vast spending plans seem ridiculous – remember, how can you spend your way out of debt? But Corbyn’s strategy is the right one (generally speaking) because one cannot cut their way out of debt either.

Let’s return to the household analogy to explain. If you must reduce household spending to meet outgoings, you do so. But what if you get to the point where you can’t afford to eat, or heat your home, or pay the rent on your home (austerity, by its very nature, targets those that rely on the State more than those who don’t, so it will disproportionately affect renters more than home owners, so rent is, economically, a sensible barometer for this analogy)? Well, then the household no longer exists. Good job. I guess eradicating the household is kind of like securing it?

Austerity works when you have growth. In a recession – by definition – you don’t. In a stagnant economy (which, in my opinion, the UK’s is) you also don’t have growth. All cutting does, at least in the short-term, is shrink the size of the economy, reduce the level of investment, and reduce growth. When the financial sector is doing a good enough job of reducing economic growth, we don’t need the government to do the same.

Finally, if you want proof austerity doesn’t work, look at the UK economy right now. Brexit is a convenient scapegoat (or at least distraction) for many problems in the UK public sector, but it is actually a symptom of austerity. So too is the underfunded NHS, or the underfunded education system, or the underfunded police, or the underfunded armed forces, or the… You get the picture. 

After 7 years of trying this economic policy, is hasn’t worked, and for some, that’s a hard pill to shallow. But if aneconomic policy is failing citizens, then it is a failed economic policy.
Most people know this – certainly Corbyn does. That’s not the point of this piece. I said before there are two economic problems in this country. I have addressed the first problem, but now I must address the second.

Corbyn does not speak in terms of economics. Neither does McDonnell, or many of the Labour inner circle. Blairites speak economics, but their brand is technocratic and pseudo-conservative. Theresa May should not win this election. Basic services required for provision by government aren’t being provided, the Tory manifesto is rather unpopular (at least the less popular of the two major parties) and she has an ever-growing reputation as a flip-flopper. But they are winning, and even though as I write that gap is shrinking, they’re still winning.

Why? Because the Conservatives set out their stall in simple ultimatums. They present their version of facts and explain their ‘plan’ calmly in simply steps, all bound (I’m sure) in a glossy ring-binder. Everything they could be saying might be wrong, or a lie, but on their shop front it doesn’t matter – they’re attracting the most punters.

Corbyn needs to learn to construct a political narrative – a shop front – that does the same thing the Conservatives do. To some Corbynites this will sound like heresy. But if your product is good, and you tell people why it is good (maybe by utilising a nice glossy ring-binder and PowerPoint presentation), they’ll buy it. And they’ll buy it even more if it’s the only alternative to the faulty product that’s been on sale for 7 years.

The issue currently is that Corbyn doesn’t seem to want to be this type of salesman, to have this type of political narrative. He’s more than happy being the guy with the megaphone shouting about unbelievable bargains that people acknowledge sound great, but also think are maybe dodgy knock offs or too good to be true. Where’s my evidence for this belief? Just look at Diane Abbott and her policing figures, or Corbyn himself and the child care costs: simple mistakes that aren’t fatal to the campaign, but are wholly unnecessary.


I despise political narratives. But they’re how the game works. So long as our democracy is universal and not Socratic, they are a sad necessity. 

Wednesday, 5 April 2017

Transcript: Reinventing Organisations

The following is the transcript for my presentation on Reinventing Organisations by Frederic Laloux.

Slide 1 
Most people will recognise that the primary purpose of a commercial organisation is to make a profit. Some commercial ventures such as charities may not seek to make a profit in the most traditional sense, but still, the funds through which they do their work are generated by the same means as those organisations that are seeking profit.

Profit is a contentious thing in the world today, largely because of the disparity between large multinational corporations and the little guy. I think it’s worth spending some time exploring this argument.

A description of profit taken from Reinventing Organisations is this, “profit is like air; we need air to live, but we don’t live to breathe.” My own personal definition of profit is this: profit is not merely the mark of a robber baron, but an acknowledgement by the end consumer of the value added by each person prior to the consumer’s purchase.

I would suggest the issue most people have with profiteering organisations today is that faceless multinational corporations, non-describe shareholders and the pursuit of profit maximisation do not show any appreciation for the human endeavour behind that profit. Whose value am I acknowledging when I purchase a product off Amazon? Whose value is a homeowner acknowledging when they pay off interest on their mortgage? It’s not that there isn’t value to be rewarded, just that there’s no obvious person to reward. Profit has become disconnected from its purpose, in this regard.

Or consider it another way. If profit is like air, what does profit maximisation make you think? To me, I conjure a picture of many smartly dressed people desperately clawing at clouds until there is only one left, and the others have suffocated. Then I ask the question; can one person breathe more than another?

Profit as air is the business perspective, whilst not living to breathe is the social perspective. Profit as recognition of value is the economic – or at least political economy – perspective. All three of these perspectives are important but none should be considered in isolation. This will be a theme of this presentation.


Slide 2
Of the ideas Reinventing Organisations tackles, competition is one of the subtler. What’s interesting to me is the idea of competition within an organisation. When I read the book, I drew a picture, and wrote some annotations. This is basically what I drew.

Firstly, I said there’s a limited quantity of stuff. This assumption is obvious. In a competitive environment, only one person can win a race. Next I said if our organisation’s aim is to build as many towers as possible, out of the limited stuff we have – stuff is a technical term by the way – then competition works. But if our organisation’s aim is to build the highest tower, then competition drains resources, and in fact co-operating is better.

But if you think about this model, there is a glaring flaw in it – namely, if we want to build the most towers, isn’t it still better if we co-operate? Together, we can plan the most efficient pattern of construction, the best way to split resources and so on. Together we can make big decisions that in isolation we can’t even start to ponder.

Ultimately, it’s what we strive to do that should influence how we do it. And there’s almost no organisation on the planet – except maybe some banks (don’t get me started) – that actively work against their own self-interests. Of course, it’s important to understand what an organisation’s ‘self-interest’ is, because I think that’s an innately vindictive term.


Slide 3
My proposition is this: a company’s ‘self-interest’ is essentially its ‘purpose’, and succeeding in fulfilling its purpose requires profitability, for profit is air, and co-operation, for what we strive to do should inform how we do it.

My go to way of thinking about these things is via a constructed model. I think of these three things, purpose, profit and co-operation (I couldn’t think of a third ‘P’ word) as being cyclical. But this model still feels reductionist and removed from the real organisations discussed in Reinventing Organisations. My solution is to use profit and competition.

Specifically, I want to think about what organisations in the book do for their employees. This idea is touched on in The Puritan Gift by Hopper; the idea that managers should know what their employees want to achieve to allow them to better manage the employee. In Reinventing Organisations, we are asked to go beyond understanding and to actively encourage our staff to pursue their goals, with company interests not directly in mind.

When an employee does this, whether they are encouraged to or not, I call it self-profiteering. Primarily we work to earn money. When we change the way we work, without a change in our compensation structure, we are earning something else. This is self-profit, and it can be destructive. In fact, I’d suggest in some industries – banking, cough cough – this is why we see so much intra-company competition. Your standard company’s battle over departmental budgets is another prime example, often with department heads jostling for efficiency savings, and the benefits that come with that…

This competition, as shown prior, degrades the company’s purpose, and ultimately its profit. So why is it a good idea to encourage it? Because when an organisation takes an employee and treats them merely as a cog in a system they become atomised, and disconnected from the purpose of the organisation. This is the result of oppressing staff ambitions. When we engage in our staff in their future ambitions, their additional skills and, to an extent, just as people, we can bring people from all different areas of the organisation to the table – perhaps metaphorically – so they not only know what they’re doing and how they contribute, but importantly why they do it. How is their role helping the company, and how is the company helping them?

This is how profit becomes a way of acknowledging the value added by all people involved. It might not be an explicit social contract, nor a negotiated financial agreement, but it’s a meaningful, human reward.

Not only does adding in the idea of encouraged self-profit make the model feel so much more human, it also allows us to look at organisational hierarchies not as vast pyramids but as close, human networks. We can pick any individual and trace how they inform the company’s purpose, how they help others, and they contribute to profit and importantly what they get out of the whole arrangement.


Slide 4
I want to conclude with asking a question that I think is important: where next? The ideas I’ve spoken about have, in my opinion, sounded obvious on one level and very utopian, pie-in-the-sky on another. I refer you to Reinventing Organisations for answers to both these points: firstly, much of the book is obvious, and the perversion comes when we ask how the technocracy of modern large business has emerged, and secondly, the book demonstrates organisations that have these ideas already exist, and can be successful. If my ideas are pie-in-the-sky, well, that’ll make for a weird view.

The reason I ask where next is because two of the organisations referred in the book are Buurtzorg, a Dutch healthcare provider, and ESBZ, a German school. Not only are these both examples of sectors of extreme public relevance embracing these ideas (and so I would suggest worthy of inquiry for public benefit, even if no result is found), but they are sectors that we, as a country, are struggling to operate at this present time, and in the future.

Please do not for a moment think that I am proposing a resolution to the crisis in the NHS by distributing copies of Reinventing Organisations to every senior manager in the NHS; but the success of Buurtzorg in the Netherlands should not be underestimated. Equally, ESBZ seeks to encourage their students to become independent thinkers, to be creative and to engage in the outside world. In a future of increasing automation, increasing online presence and increasing mental health challenges amongst younger people, it is perhaps wise to ask why this school works so well, and what benefits can it provide for tomorrow’s, if not today’s children?


I don’t have the answer to these questions, but a good presentation should leave the listener questioning something. I question how the ideas in Reinventing Organisations can be applied to the world of finance to make a more stable and more suitable banking system. You will have your own interests. But let the book inspire questions. It’s not a manual. If the key to business success could be written down, business schools would be libraries. It’s an idea, one that places people – us – at the heart of it. 

Monday, 3 April 2017

Suffocation

In the song, ‘Suffocation,’ by the band Against Me! there is the line, “Suffocation, Modern life in the Western world.” I suspect 21st century world is more accurate, but I also acknowledge maybe that’s implied by the word modern.

In recent weeks as talk of Brexit has been building and the actual act of giving notice completed I have felt myself becoming disengaged with the issue, a feeling I hypothesise is not uncommon. The reason for this I think is quite simple; information bombardment. Though, even that is a misnomer.

In the film Anchorman 2 (a film I do not recommend, mostly because it’s shit) Ron Burgundy, relegated to the graveyard slot on a new 24-hour news channel, begins to report of the ‘emerging’ story of a police chase. The humour is two-fold, firstly in how it clearly is meant to mock modern daytime cable news, but secondly in how the ominous narrator explains how this absurd character and scenario was the origin of modern news today.

What Burgundy does in this scene is genius, and really, it’s fundamentally opposed to the modus operandi of a news station; he exploits the unknown. Now, from a viewer perspective we watch the news because we are ignorant of the day’s events, and the news anchors can inform us of the information we are missing. Burgundy, in this scene, flips this paradigm on its head by saying the news organisation themselves are ignorant of all the facts. Suddenly this becomes exciting, and engaging, and problematic.

It’s problematic because information only flows so fast, and doesn’t flow at all when there is nothing to know. In the modern 24-hour news cycle, there’s a lot of moments when there’s nothing to know. The solution to this problem is the aforementioned, ‘information bombardment’, and perhaps now you can see why it’s a misnomer; there’s no information to be bombarded with. Instead, the time is filled with analysis, and cross analysis and predictions and historical perspectives and counter perspectives and info-graphics and timelines and so on and so on, until something happens. All the while we, the viewer, sit there in a whirlwind of confusion and frustration and to an extent hysteria as we come to realise nothing, absolutely nothing, is being said.

In some ways, it’s just a supply and demand problem – there’s so much demand (air time) but so little supply (relevant news).

As an aside, if I were to suggest a reason for the rise in ‘fake news’ and clickbait, I would suggest it is from a desire to capitalise on this vacuous information environment, but that’s another discussion for another day.

This problem isn’t just a 24-hour news problem. Anywhere that we have access to information faster than that information can be provided this problem festers. Your phone and your computer are as much at fault as the 24-hour news channels. I suggest if you’ve ever felt yourself with a deep feeling of depression and self-loathing from a continuous pressing of that refresh button, this might be the reason. I know I have.

This is what I mean when I quote ‘Suffocation;’ we are suffocating in an information overload. Of course, this is maybe another misnomer – we’re actually drowning. The term ‘information diet’ is one I’m hearing more often and it’s taken the form as something hip and cool, but I do think there is a darker side to it, namely escaping the depression and self-loathing of information addiction. Cutting yourself off to make a change is one thing; cutting yourself off because you need to is quite another.

Here, then, we find the real problem emerging out of it all. The feeling of wanting to escape the info-sphere, to switch everything off, to go on an ‘information diet’ – this is the realm of disengagement. Sometimes we need to disengage our brains and do something different – it can be very liberating, spiritually and intellectually – but some issues are too important for us to willingly, and with exhaustion, disengage from.

I cited Brexit previously. This is a massive issue for my country right now. Trump if you are American, Le Pen if you are French, and countless other things I am – ironically – ignorant of, these are all important issues we as citizens need to be engaged in. In these past few weeks I have wanted to disengage, to stop reading articles and listening to commentary and talking to colleagues, but I’ve desperately tried not to. Most of what I read and hear and so on I consider meaningless, copious noise, but I still listen.


Sometimes it’s good to get away from it all – especially if you feel like you’re drowning – but sometimes you’ve got to suck it up (pardon the pun) and try to keep going.

Monday, 6 March 2017

How was your weekend?

I have recently come to re-evaluate my opinion on those often described as ‘professionally offended’. I think there is an assumption – or, at least, I assumed – that this group of individuals who seem to always care to the point of outrage were a new, online phenomenon. However, I now believe this is unkind.

There is a news segment on the BBC called Newswatch, a feature where the editors of BBC News can be challenged to answer questions about the quality of the service fielded by members of the public (almost always referred to as License Fee payers, as if to add legitimacy to their concerns, but more on that later). I think the show is a good idea, and I think there is often cause for some discussion. I have also come to realise that there exist a great many people who seem outraged to the point of inconveniencing themselves over the most trivial of things.

Of course, what I consider trivial is subjective and possibly miscategorised, but still my opinion holds. There simply are, and always will be, people who revel in being offended. This is my re-evaluation; that the concept of the professionally offended is not a new thing, but merely a human condition. This, I believe, is very interesting.

Why do people so regularly place so much importance on trivial mishaps? By trivial I include the occasional shitty day at work, missing the bus by a few seconds, delayed service in a restaurant, buying the wrong sized garment in a store – what might be considered, ‘first world problems’. My thesis is this; people place importance on minor mishaps because when you’re sailing on a quiet ocean you notice and acknowledge the most minor of ripples. Mishaps – which oft turn into storied compliant in the appropriate company – embellish an otherwise uninteresting set of events. They make our lives more interesting not only by increasing variety but by adding, or at least suggesting, strife that we must overcome. Ultimately, this makes the banal feel more valuable.

I have three ideas about the rise of the professionally offended in the more contemporary sense, the third of which I add only for the purposes of showing an objective viewpoint, without which I feel my thesis would suffer.

Firstly, I suggest the emergence might be due to that previously discussed; that we use outrage or offense as a way of embellishing otherwise forgettable events. The changing medium – from newspaper articles and news segments to online forums and comment sections – merely reflects the changing structure of a person’s life and reflects their access to media. Though this argument is not without some merit, I would suggest that these people, no matter how technologically cosmopolitan they claim to be, would still encounter the events I have previously discussed, and should still, therefore, respond accordingly with coffee table debates and plastic cup politics. If anything, their wider exposure to technology should lead to more compliant and outrage.

This leads me onto my second proposal; that in a world of regular compliant and outrage, the social norm has changed so much that it is now banal to be outraged, and as such one must be even more offended to punch through this paradigm and into the realm of noteworthy. This is an argument that should offend some people, because it is essentially implying some sort of superiority complex, or, I guess – as some might say – that those who get offended are merely ‘special snowflakes’.


As an aside, I think calling someone a snowflake is unfair, because framing the debate in that way implies it is the person at fault, and not the new social norm. After all, outrage and offense is built upon some perceived violation of a social covenant, implying the offended occupies some sort of moral high ground. In that sense – at least in terms of elevation – they are superior.


My third reason; that there is simply more to be upset about, and that the rise of the professionally offended is due to the greater access of information that the Internet has enabled. Furthermore, the apparent rise in the number of people offended can also be attributed to greater access to virtual soapboxes that the Internet has provided. The problem with this argument is one I have previously mentioned; that some people will think something is very important, whilst others will think it’s trivial.

It is here a distinction should be made, because a difference of opinion both in how to deal with a problem but also whether a problem is a problem is what makes us all individuals. The issue many people have, in my opinion, is that the professionally offended do not care about the issue, they care about the outrage. This is a whole different type of debating style, and one that reinforces the concept of ‘special snowflake’. It also introduces the aforementioned idea of legitimacy.

Think about it; ‘professionally offended,’ does not specify any cause or set of beliefs about the person the term is being applied, merely that they are offended. Furthermore, the word professional evokes parallels with work, suggesting the purpose of the offense is not in response, but by requirement, and interestingly for the benefit of the offended. Ultimately, they care not for the issue, but for themselves, and this means they lack legitimacy.

In the UK, though I suspect other places around the world have similar set-ups, there are regular Saturday-and-Sunday-morning debate shows. For the purposes of objectivity, the panel will almost certainly be made up of people from all different sides of the argument, all, in a kind of cringe-inducing way, forced to sit intermingled amongst each other.


This, as an aside, is clearly an attempt to show the person making the argument can be transcended so that only the argument, not the person, is being scrutinised and criticised, but anyway…


In the TV graphic that will appear maybe 2-3 seconds after the individual enters the frame (primarily as a none auditory way of introducing this person) will be a small detail or subtitle area which provides context to the person in question. The relevance of this to this piece as a whole is the following; regularly, and by regularly I mean weekly, there will be an individual whose detail box has fantastic word economy by only referring to them as, ‘activist’.

Now, there is some logic to why a person might be a professional activist. Firstly, they may care passionately for a cause that is ongoing (causes that come to mind are minority rights, but I’m sure there are other equally valid campaigns) and thus it becomes justified that they – the activist - become defined by that subject matter. If this is the case, why not dispense with the word economy somewhat and call them, for example, ‘civil rights activist’? Secondly, they may work as part of a group that provides logistical and/or other services to would be campaigns. I assume many protests require a number of professional skills, and that groups would form to meet these needs. If this is the case, why not say that? Both solutions would add context to the view and better represent the speaker. Therefore, I must conclude the only purpose for the vague description is by some unknown (at least to the viewer) design and as such intentional.


I acknowledge this is possibly tangential, and potentially more of a reflection of the production company behind the TV show and less a reflection of those who would be branded, ‘activists’. I also acknowledge I am now embodying that license fee payer previously discussed by communicating my grievance with what I see on television, which perhaps adds, unintentionally, credence to my point. However, I do believe the perpetuation of this classification – calling someone an ‘activist’ – implies that many of those classified are OK with it, which does add to the thesis of this piece.


Skin in the game matters. There is a non-discussed but totally required need to caveat some debate with reference to the devil; the purpose of this is to acknowledge that you have no skin in the game, and that the debate exists for its own sake. Lack of skin in the game – as might be suggested by calling yourself merely an activist – has the same effect as playing the Devil’s advocate. However, the difference is without the caveat of, ‘I agree, but I’m now going to disagree,’ the argument becomes at best muddled and at worst lost. Again, it becomes about the person, the snowflake, rather than the matter at hand.

This is the same issue that those described as professionally offended face, however those who occupy online forums and comment sections and blogs (I acknowledge the irony, now may we move on?) lack even more legitimacy, for at least the ambiguously named, ‘activist,’ is still being named as something, by someone. Behind the scenes, whatever that means, they – the activist – have done something to warrant their presence on the show. Whether validation from a TV network is good becomes irrelevant here – though many will believe this is all that matters – because at least this validation is not open to everyone. There is an expectation of exception, and that’s a powerful thing.

Platform, rightly or wrongly, provides legitimacy. The grace that the Internet has given is that everyone has a platform; the issue that has evolved from this is now economic, that of excess supply, with relatively unchanging demand. Further complicate this situation with the ripple on the ocean adage – the desire to embellish and escape the banal – and it becomes obvious how online forums can quickly reach a critical mass of outrage. This is a problem, not because people are talking and debating and (maybe) caring, but because no one is listening. Commentary without legitimacy is like screaming at a brick wall; mass commentary without legitimacy is just more screaming.


Of course some people are listening, but often they’re listening to their own words coming out of another person’s mouth. Sonically, the screaming becomes similar, and thus audibly understandable. So yes, I have re-evaluated by opinion of the professionally offended. They are not a new phenomenon. The Internet is not to blame for their emergence. But they raise an interesting idea in the context of the online world nevertheless, namely, how to we listen to each other when everyone is talking?

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