Showing posts with label GE17. Show all posts
Showing posts with label GE17. Show all posts

Wednesday, 14 June 2017

Everyone's cross about Brexit

After the general election, Nicola Sturgeon is quietly bleeding. For all the respect I have for the woman, I do not want Scottish independence, and it seems much of Scotland agrees. She’s walking wounded. However, that didn’t stop her making one of the most sensible suggestions I’ve heard in a long-time: that Brexit should be negotiated by a cross-party delegation.1

The idea sounds immediately brilliant. So brilliant in fact I have to wonder why is isn’t what we’re already doing? It sounds democratic, and representative and conciliatory. But that’s not what we’ve got.

Instead, in the furore and fallout of the 23rd of June 2016, we got Theresa May. She capitalised on Brexit, perhaps trying to look strong and stable, later announcing what she thought Brexit meant2 (Brexit, obviously…) and what her plans for the negotiations were.3 Some even began calling her Supreme Leader4 for her style of control.

And yet now we have a general election result which has destroyed the Supreme Leader in the most painful of ways,5 and it has (accidentally) thrown the questions of how and who re: Brexit wide open. YouGov recently did a poll which showed support for Mrs. Sturgeon’s idea (an idea, let’s be honest, that only came about because Sturgeon hasn’t gotten what she really wanted), with 51% of participants wanting a cross-party delegation.6

Now, 51% isn’t much of a majority, but considering Brexit is an issue because of 52%,7 I’d be hesitant to dismiss the poll quite so soon if I were a Tory Brexiteer.

That’s besides the fact that YouGov were one of the few pollsters during the general election that seemed to get anything close to the actual result.8 Indeed, we can criticise methodology sometimes – and I very much encourage people to do so – but right now YouGov are having their moment in the sun.

The idea seems sensible for another reason. If the government of the day must lead the talks, who will lead when we don’t exactly have a legitimate government? Of course, we can debate the word legitimate, and yes Corbyn didn’t win, but neither did May, or anyone else for that matter. Following Mrs. May’s own mantra, surely now she must cede some control of the talks to Labour, the SNP and others? Surely, a Brexit for Britain should be a Brexit that represents Britain, no?

But this will not happen. For the same reason that Mrs. Sturgeon’s current weakness has prompted her to soften her position, Mrs. May must harden hers. To cede any say to any other party, to give Mr. Starmer or anyone else (besides maybe someone of the Northern Irish9 persuasion) a seat at the table, or to make Corbyn look even vaguely legitimate as a leader, undermines her near hollow position.

For Mrs. May, the noose is already around her neck. But in the name of Tory preservation the party has stayed the execution. A cross-party delegation would almost certainly cause her to fall through the floor, and she knows it.


Friday, 9 June 2017

So... Who Won?

Elections are like high school drama. You kind of hate them, but you also secretly adore them. Though I’ve got to say, this election might be the first I’ve found genuinely exhausting. I suppose maybe it’s because I’m getting old, or maybe it’s because it’s a nice day up North (that’s not a political nod to anything) and as I watch the coverage – eyes glued to the screen, obviously – the Sun is dehydrating me. Like the election, there’s a lot of things to consider.

Or maybe I should say blame. Who does Theresa May blame for what is most certainly a huge loss, but at the same time is technically a win? Who does Jeremy Corbyn blame for Labour’s indisputable loss that has the smell of victory about it? Who do the electorate blame for telling them there’d be a landslide victory, and (not so subtly) who do the TV pundits blame for giving them terrible polling results?

This is a weird election. I believe all elections can be weird, if you drill down into the demographic data enough, but this is weird because you don’t need to do that too much.

Let’s look at turnout, which was at its highest point since 19971 and particularly high amongst young people2 (there is a figure of 72% doing the rounds, but as the BBC points out, there’s no reliable data yet). Lord Ashcroft published an article on June the 6th noting that the number of Tory seats falls as the voter turnout rises.3 It’s worth pointing out that Ashcroft’s model predicted a Tory majority, even under high turnout scenarios – “The higher turnout scenarios, meanwhile, estimate a lower range of majorities,” so maybe Ashcroft isn’t the best go to guy to talk about turnout data.

The point is this – if the Tories knew that a high turnout would go against them, then, just from data alone, we must place some blame for the result at the door with all those people that chose to, well, step out of their doors and vote.

One thing that was in Mrs. May’s pocket, one thing she could rely on to win, was Brexit, no? Even I wrote on the 31st of May, “If tonight's debate is about Brexit, Theresa May will win even in absentia.” Certainly, early in the night some commentators were finding comfort in the fact that Leave seats were seeing a smaller swing compared to what the Exit Poll would suggest, but one must ask the question: if the British public believed in a Conservative Brexit, indeed, if they believed in Brexit at all, why didn’t Mrs. May win a majority?

Some will bark that the referendum result shows the British public clearly care about Brexit, and others will argue that the collapse in the UKIP vote4 (from 13% in 2015 to 2% today) shows that Brexit was a trump card for the Tories. But that’s a reductionist view of UKIPers (I find that statement oddly ironic). In my mind, there’s three reasons for the collapse in UKIP. The first is the Hard Brexiteers have defected to the Tories, accounting for some fall in UKIP and some rise in the Tories. The second is that the (potential) rise in the 18-24-year-old vote essentially diluted the UKIP vote, and what we’re seeing isn’t necessarily movement (on this, I very well could be wrong. I’ve not been able to compare the raw number of votes to confirm this idea). The third is that many of those who voted for UKIP don’t care about Brexit.

This sounds dumb. UKIP, almost undeniably, were a one issue party, which was Brexit. Yet, as many in the media seem to forget, UKIP for the longest time were a protest vote too. And Brexit, in my opinion, was more of a vote against the establishment order than anything to do with the EU. So, when Theresa May runs on Brexit (and UKIP run on enforcing the integrity of Brexit), many UKIP voters just don’t care. She’s establishment, and some would argue, responsible for many economic issues facing the lives of that group. And Corbyn, the leader of the (still) second largest party, markets himself as outside the establishment, and importantly, as anti-austerity.

If Brexit isn’t as big an issue as the media and the Tories think, and austerity is the real creature that they must slay, then the picture quickly emerges of why the result was what it was.
But what of the media? They told us this election would be dull. There were murmurs of low election turnout;5 Brenda articulated in the most adorable when the sense of fatigue the whole country felt. And yet on the night (and throughout the election, let’s be honest) it wasn’t boring. In fact, little of what the pundits said turned out to be true, except for of course the Exit Poll, which many, “[couldn’t] believe.”

In fact, many of the pundits seemed so sure that no one saw that result coming. Except… YouGov6 and Survation7 saw it coming about a week ago. Now, to the credit of at least the BBC, they acknowledged that those two polls were bang on the money, and that they, with their commentary, had missed a trick. What was that trick? Well, both YouGov and Survation factored in a higher number of young voters than other polls.8 There’s that old stick-in-the-mud again.

I’m not going to say much about the Tabloids that, on both sides of the argument, were far too dispelling in their coverage. Nor am I going to linger on the problems the mainstream media had covering this election, in terms of being correct or being complacent. I can be accused (rightly) of both myself. And of course, the Exit Poll, YouGov and Survation were (to varying degrees) off in their predictions. But the media must realise that they’re losing creditability, and that’s bad for all of us. Did they play a factor in the election, perhaps as a whispering sound in Theresa May’s ear as she was walking on holiday?9 I think someone should be asking what role the media will play in the future.

And that’s about it. Well, it’s not. Theresa May was a disastrous candidate with a horrible manifesto, whereas Jeremy Corbyn was (by most reporting) a disastrous candidate with a popular manifesto; the Dementia Tax swung the polls more than Labour ever actually did;10 nationalism remained a prominent force, whilst whispers across the channel played their role too; “Strong and Stable,” repeat ad infinitum. I don’t see the point of talking about these things, because I don’t need to. Switch on your TV and absorb the analysis, with a free side of cross-analysis thrown in.

I’m trying to get to a point, and I think it’s this. Firstly, the youth vote (probably) swung this election massively, which is good for democracy, bad for functioning government, and a much more significant trend than it is currently being given credit for. Secondly, Brexit wasn’t the issue it was meant to be. That’s not to say it didn’t matter, but Brexit is derivative of austerity policy, and is not in itself the cause of political turmoil. Austerity (amongst other policies, such as Social Care) drove this election result; if anything, Brexit is this election’s cousin, not it’s father. And thirdly, the media got predictions very wrong throughout the campaign. Some will say the media was horribly biased; all I’ll say is it felt frustrating at times, and caveats exist for a reason – use them!

Anyway, I’ll see you in Autumn… (maybe)

Wednesday, 31 May 2017

The Power of Glossy Ring-Binders

There are two economic problems in the UK. The first is that far too many politicians and members of the commentariat do not understand economics, and advocate (for the past 7 years) a fiscal policy that doesn’t work. The second is those that champion the opposing fiscal approach – what, I suppose, might be called Corbynomics – do not know how to communicate the rationale of their approach.

The issue in both regards is political narrative. Most would agree that textbook intelligence does not make one a savvy politician; it carries that the same is true in reverse, that one can be a savvy politician and academically rather ignorant. Political narrative is a broad statement, but for the purposes of this piece I say it means this: how one shapes facts, or mistakes, to suit their own political agenda at that time.

The reality is austerity is the kindred spirit of conservatism. Small government, low taxes, individual responsibility. Austerity accomplishes all those things. It also appeals to a very guttural concept of living within one’s means, running a country like a household – the Swabian housewife. It sounds so terribly sensible.

Conservatives utilise this economic strategy so well because it has a relatively low barrier to entry. It is easy for the laymen to understand, and it is hard to argue against without sounding crazy. Surely the way to reduce debt cannot be to borrow more money? That’s not how household finances work.

As an aside, the Swabian housewife strategy – known sometimes as the Swabian housewife fallacy – is what cost Mr. Milliband the 2015 election, in my opinion. (Maybe not, it’s hard to say). By running on a watered down Conservative austerity strategy, Milliband was embracing the fallacy, but doing it with a backdrop of economic discreditably (another fallacy; public debt under Labour was lower in 2008 than when they took power in 1997, it was only in 2008 when the financial crisis hit that public debt became ‘problematic’) which was never going to work. The Tories just make austerity look so much sexier.

And now enter stage right Mr. Corbyn, running on an anti-austerity economic plan. Of course, in the political narrative the Conservatives have shaped, Corbyn’s vast spending plans seem ridiculous – remember, how can you spend your way out of debt? But Corbyn’s strategy is the right one (generally speaking) because one cannot cut their way out of debt either.

Let’s return to the household analogy to explain. If you must reduce household spending to meet outgoings, you do so. But what if you get to the point where you can’t afford to eat, or heat your home, or pay the rent on your home (austerity, by its very nature, targets those that rely on the State more than those who don’t, so it will disproportionately affect renters more than home owners, so rent is, economically, a sensible barometer for this analogy)? Well, then the household no longer exists. Good job. I guess eradicating the household is kind of like securing it?

Austerity works when you have growth. In a recession – by definition – you don’t. In a stagnant economy (which, in my opinion, the UK’s is) you also don’t have growth. All cutting does, at least in the short-term, is shrink the size of the economy, reduce the level of investment, and reduce growth. When the financial sector is doing a good enough job of reducing economic growth, we don’t need the government to do the same.

Finally, if you want proof austerity doesn’t work, look at the UK economy right now. Brexit is a convenient scapegoat (or at least distraction) for many problems in the UK public sector, but it is actually a symptom of austerity. So too is the underfunded NHS, or the underfunded education system, or the underfunded police, or the underfunded armed forces, or the… You get the picture. 

After 7 years of trying this economic policy, is hasn’t worked, and for some, that’s a hard pill to shallow. But if aneconomic policy is failing citizens, then it is a failed economic policy.
Most people know this – certainly Corbyn does. That’s not the point of this piece. I said before there are two economic problems in this country. I have addressed the first problem, but now I must address the second.

Corbyn does not speak in terms of economics. Neither does McDonnell, or many of the Labour inner circle. Blairites speak economics, but their brand is technocratic and pseudo-conservative. Theresa May should not win this election. Basic services required for provision by government aren’t being provided, the Tory manifesto is rather unpopular (at least the less popular of the two major parties) and she has an ever-growing reputation as a flip-flopper. But they are winning, and even though as I write that gap is shrinking, they’re still winning.

Why? Because the Conservatives set out their stall in simple ultimatums. They present their version of facts and explain their ‘plan’ calmly in simply steps, all bound (I’m sure) in a glossy ring-binder. Everything they could be saying might be wrong, or a lie, but on their shop front it doesn’t matter – they’re attracting the most punters.

Corbyn needs to learn to construct a political narrative – a shop front – that does the same thing the Conservatives do. To some Corbynites this will sound like heresy. But if your product is good, and you tell people why it is good (maybe by utilising a nice glossy ring-binder and PowerPoint presentation), they’ll buy it. And they’ll buy it even more if it’s the only alternative to the faulty product that’s been on sale for 7 years.

The issue currently is that Corbyn doesn’t seem to want to be this type of salesman, to have this type of political narrative. He’s more than happy being the guy with the megaphone shouting about unbelievable bargains that people acknowledge sound great, but also think are maybe dodgy knock offs or too good to be true. Where’s my evidence for this belief? Just look at Diane Abbott and her policing figures, or Corbyn himself and the child care costs: simple mistakes that aren’t fatal to the campaign, but are wholly unnecessary.


I despise political narratives. But they’re how the game works. So long as our democracy is universal and not Socratic, they are a sad necessity. 

Cryptocurrencies and Corpocracies

Cryptocurrencies are not libertarian. To be sure, aspects of cryptocurrencies, and the blockchain technology on which they are built, reso...